By Obang Metho
I would like to thank the
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Congressman Edward Royce,
and all ranking members of the Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health,
Global Human Rights and International Organizations for this important
opportunity to examine the Ethiopian Government’s observance of
democratic and human rights principles in post-Meles Ethiopia.
I
want to especially thank Congressman Christopher Smith, the Chairman of
the Subcommittee on Africa for his extraordinary leadership in bringing
the case of Ethiopia to the attention of this subcommittee once again;
particularly in light of the many pressing global issues.
In 2006, Congressman Smith worked hard to bring this issue all the way
from subcommittee to the House, where it faced obstacles and died. I
hope this time, something more concrete and productive can be
accomplished for the betterment of both our countries.
Obang Metho, pic by Awaramba Times
In 2006, I
gave testimony at that previous hearing in regards to the massacre of
424 members of my own ethnic group, the Anuak, in 2003, perpetrated by
members of the Ethiopian National Defense Forces. I also testified
regarding the ongoing crimes against humanity and destruction of
property and infrastructure in the Gambella region of Ethiopia; however,
because similar abuses were being perpetrated in other places in the
country, I also spoke of the 193 peaceful protestors who were shot and
killed as they peacefully protested the results of the flawed 2005
national election and the repression in Oromia. This also included
testimony regarding the imprisonment of opposition leaders, including
Dr. Berhana Nega, who is sitting next to me today.
Now
I am here once again to testify about these same kinds of issues
because Ethiopians have only seen increasing restrictions to their
freedom and a continuation of government-sponsored human rights
violations in every region of the country. This includes the illegal
eviction of great numbers of Ethiopians from their ancestral homes and
land, causing great hardship to the people. It also includes egregious
human rights atrocities in places like the Ogaden [Somali] region, which
is blocked from the outside world by the regime. It has obstructed the
media from reporting on the great suffering of the people being
perpetrated by government forces, which has been described as a silent
genocide. Two
Swedish journalists were arrested, detained and charged as terrorists
before being released last year. However, the Ogaden is not alone for
every region of the country has become a victim to this regime.
Sadly,
little, in terms of rights, has changed post-Meles. The only change is
that he is no longer here. Although the rapid decline in freedom and
rights was led by Meles, he and his cabinet and ministers
established an apparatus of strong-armed control that continues to reach
from the top offices of the federal government to rural villages
throughout Ethiopia. That infrastructure of repression, which carries
out much of the day-to-day enforcement of EPRDF control and the
perpetration of human rights violations, is still in place and marks the
near achievement of a secretive and chilling plan put into motion in
June 1993 under the name: TPLF/EPRDF’s Strategies for Establishing its Hegemony & Perpetuating its Rule[i],which
was said to have been given to all their cadres for its execution. An
abridged translation of the 68-page Amharic document is now available
online.
This
plan, based on Marxist ideology, was brought to our attention by one of
the members of the TPLF who reported to us strict adherence to this plan
by its cadres. The plan aligns closely with the nature of the TPLF when
they were still fighting in the bush as well as the Ethiopia of today.
Prior to
defeating the brutal Derg regime in 1991, Meles led the Marxist-Leninist
based rebel group, the Tigrayan Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF), also
so known for its brutality in the bush that the U.S. State Department
had classified them as a terrorist group at the time. When they
took over power, they formed a new coalition party made up of separate
ethnic-based parties. It was called the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary
Democratic Front (EPRDF) and was meant to appear to be a multi-ethnic
government but in fact, it has been controlled from the beginning by the
TPLF who have never abandoned the goal of perpetual hegemony.
The
EPRDF’s structure was based around ethnically defined regions and
political parties, but at the grassroots level, all regions and parties,
though appearing to be led by leaders of the same ethnicity as the
region, were instead pro-TPLF/ERPDF puppets, who implemented their
policies. By its nature, this division of Ethiopia by ethnicity was a
guise meant to dupe the public and the west by its appearance of being
democratic; however, in practice, it has contributed to the prolongation
of ethnic-based divisions while strengthening the power of the TPLF,
assuring its control of the EPRDF even though Tigrayans are a minority,
making up only 6% of the total population. However, this does not mean
the TPLF speaks for many Tigrayans who have become disillusioned with
the TPLF/EPRDF.
In short,
the TPLF’s plan of revolutionary democracy, which is more closely
aligned with the Chinese model than the liberalism of the west, was
clearly designed to achieve perpetual hegemony over every aspect of
Ethiopian life. In the above-stated plan, they warn that they can
achieve their goals “only by winning the elections successively and holding power without let up.” They warn, “If we lose in the elections even once, we will encounter a great danger... [so] we should win in the initial elections and then create a conducive situation that will ensure the establishment of this hegemony.”
In 2010, the TPLF/ERPDF successfully accomplished this goal and won
their fourth election with an alleged 99.6% of the votes and all but one
of the 547 seats in the Ethiopian Parliament.
This
also was accomplished through gaining control every sector of society:
the media, all aspects of government and civil service, all political
space, elections, the judiciary, the passing and interpretation of laws
to suit their goals, the financial sector, education, the military, the
economic sector, religious groups, civic society, government ownership
of all land and government control in the extraction of natural
resources. The principles upon which America was founded are absent in Ethiopia despite all the democratic rhetoric.
The
TPLF/EPRDF is more in control today than it was in 2006 and continues to
hold that power despite the death of their central figure. It has
become near to impossible to find any political space for the
development of a viable alternative to the TPLF/EPRDF because
dissenters, activists or anyone speaking for change will be put in jail.
It has become a full-blown autocracy. Anyone who attempts to speak up
is silenced. All has been justified by saying that Ethiopia has double
digit economic growth and that they have met their millennium goals and
that the people are too ignorant to understand how they will eventually
benefit; however, the people know that this is not balanced growth but
instead has “filled the pockets and bellies” of government supporters as
laid out in the 1993 plan. Claims of economic gains also serve
to minimize or cover up the reality on the ground of the increased
poverty of the majority. Supporters of the TPLF/EPRDF policies and
tactics are rewarded while non-supporters are penalized in a variety of
ways. The most marginalized masses are ignored unless they become an
impediment to the TPLF/ERPDF plan of exploitation of land or natural
resources. Here is an explanation of that strategy from the original
TPLF/ERPDF plan:
The
combined strength of the State and Revolutionary Democracy’s economic
institutions should be used either to attract the support or to
neutralize the opposition of the intelligentsia. We should demonstrate
to it that our economic strength could serve its interests, and, in the
event of its opposition to us, its belly and pocket could be made empty.
Examples of the practice of the above strategy are rampant. According to a Human Rights Watch[ii] report, following the 2010 election, even humanitarian aid was linked to party membership.
Record
numbers of refugees are leaving the country, regardless of the risks,
because so little opportunity exists for the average person, let alone
for more outspoken dissenters. Laws such as the Charities and Societies Proclamation[iii] have literally closed down civil society, replacing institutions with TPLF/ERPDF controlled look-alike organizations. A vague anti-terrorism law[iv] has
been used to silence journalists, editors, democracy activists,
religious leaders and opposition members by intimidating them, arresting
them or charging and imprisoning them as terrorists. Examples are our heroes of freedom such as Eskinder Nega, Reeyot Alemu and Andualem Arage.
Into this
highly controlled milieu, the new Prime Minister, Hailemariam Desalegn,
has emerged. He is neither Tigrayan nor is he part of the old guard of
TPLF loyalists but instead comes from the South, helping to counter
accusations of TPLF domination of the EPRDF. Reportedly, his appointment
was hotly contested; however, because he had held the position of
Deputy Prime Minister it may have provided the least controversial
transition. Insider information reports he has little power and that his
actions are all closely monitored by the TPLF central committee. As
another means of control, three deputy prime ministers of different
ethnicity were appointed and are said to hold more power than the prime
minister. Reports have also surfaced that power struggles
within the party leadership have split the top power holders and remain
unresolved. These intraparty conflicts could deepen as the next
election comes closer, with unpredictable, but possibly dangerous
results. Hoping that this problem will resolve on its own is unrealistic
and a recipe for disaster.
The
TPLF/ERPDF has so effectively constructed a system of repression in
Ethiopia that it will likely carry on for awhile; however Meles, the
driving force who charmed the west while terrorizing the people, remains
their main visionary leader. Billboards around Addis Ababa show his
picture and the TPLF/ERPDF continues to elevate his legacy, possibly
because no one else within the party has been able to articulate
another, more timely or urgently-needed vision.This opens them up
to new challenges from the dissatisfied majority that they may not be
able to dodge. Intraparty conflicts may also further exacerbate the
situation. Add to that pressure from the outside, like from
Egypt, neighboring countries or others and the situation may either
explode or implode without reforms. Although the TPLF/EPRDF has
shown little openness to reforms, with enough pressure from the people
and donors like the U.S., it might create a win-win situation to bring
about such reforms without violence, chaos and a spillover effect in the
Horn of Africa.
The road
to democracy and respect for human rights in Ethiopia must be solved by
Ethiopians, but the U.S. has a role to play as well. I believe the
current U.S. policy of quiet diplomacy will actually contribute to a
worse outcome. We should learn from what happened in the Arab Spring,
when forces of a frustrated public joined together to oust Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak. It took many by surprise, especially those who
had sided with an authoritarian regime rather than the people, thinking
Mubarak was so powerful that he could not be brought down. This alliance
with an authoritarian regime makes it much more difficult in the
aftermath to reestablish a meaningful partnership with Egyptians that
goes beyond giving large amounts of foreign aid.
Undoubtedly,
many Ethiopians attribute U.S. support to Ethiopia, including
partnership in the War on Terror, as a means that has prolonged the life
of a repressive, undemocratic regime. Will the U.S. be pro-active in
aligning with the people; something that will help sustain a long-term
relationship with Ethiopians? Unfortunately, the tendency of most
entrenched groups and their supporters, foreign or native, is to
continue the status quo without any change; however, in Ethiopia, there
is a window of opportunity before the next election in 2015 to set the
stage for meaningful reforms. The U.S. and other donor countries should
not simply stand by, using the rationale that there is no viable
alternative to work with because the TPLF/ERPDF has been so effective in
blocking access to political space and will not easily give up on
this. This must be taken into consideration for how can you build an
alternative in this kind of repressive environment? You cannot put someone out in the middle of nowhere with no material and tell them to build something. It will not work.
With these limitations in mind, the Ethiopian public, both at home and in the Diaspora, are now working to bring the change. Some
of that change can be seen from what happened last week in Addis Ababa
when Ethiopians came out in mass numbers to peacefully rally for freedom
and justice in Ethiopia based on a call from the newly emerging Blue
party. With minimal resources, the Blue party reached out to the public
in an inclusive way and the groundswell of response from ethnically,
politically and religiously diverse Ethiopians surprised even them.They
called on the people and the people answered. Yet, the TPLF/ERPDF
warned that Muslims who joined together with Christians and others in
the rally were extremists. This defies the reality on the ground.
For
the last year, Ethiopian Muslims have been peacefully rallying in their
compound, asking for freedom to practice religion without government
interference into their internal affairs. In violation of the Ethiopian
Constitution, the TPLF/ERPDF has been choosing their religious leaders,
ensuring those leaders were pro-government. The
TPLF/ERPDF has done the same within the Ethiopian Orthodox Church
leading to the church breaking into two divisions—the government
approved church in Ethiopia and the other in exile here in the U.S. – a
divide and conquer strategy of gaining hegemony of religious groups
addressed in the TPLF/EPRDF master plan of 1993. Within that plan,
religious groups were to be “used to disseminate the views of
Revolutionary Democracy...and if that is not possible we should try to
curtail their obstructionist activities…Without denying them due
respect, we should mold their views, curtail their propaganda against
Revolutionary Democracy, and even use them to serve our end.”
The
TPLF/ERPDF government will do anything to label the Muslims as
extremists and radicals to be feared by the west; however, Ethiopian
Muslims, Christians and Jews have lived together for thousands of years
in harmony. We do not only share the land but we share blood. We are a
family. We are brothers and sisters.
In
twelve months of rallying, these peaceful Muslim protestors have never
destroyed anything or hurt another person. They are not making a stand
for Sharia law but instead for a secular state where all people will be
free and where there is no government interference in the practice of
any religion. Yet, the TPLF/EPRDF fears unity between diverse religious
groups.
Reports
have emerged of the TPLF/ERPDF’s intentions to divide people of
different religious faith and to alarm the west by staging events
themselves while blaming others. For example, inside reports allege that
when Ethiopian Muslims were going to rally in front of the U.S.
Embassy, they found out that pro-government forces were going to burn
the American flag so they called off the entire rally. An eyewitness to
the killing of Christians in 2007, reported to be by Muslims in the
Oromo region of the country, were recognized by a relative to not be
Muslims at all but government supporters.
I
personally spoke to that survivor. It preceded the invasion into Somalia
and is seen as an attempt to dupe the west. It must be understood that
it profits this regime to do violence in the name of their opponents. Here
is another example reported in Wikileaks where the U.S. had knowledge
that the TPLF/ERPDF government had set the bombs in Addis Ababa several
years ago so as scapegoat government opponents. They used it to justify
the arrest of Oromo leaders as terrorists and to show a rising incidence
of terrorist acts in Ethiopia, even though it was phony. Duping the
west into supporting the TPLF/ERPDF was part of their original strategy
laid out in the 1993 plan and is part of the reason for becoming a
pseudo-democracy.
Division between ethnicities, regions, political parties and religious groups is the lifeblood of the TPLF/ERPDF. For
the government to gain power and control, they are trying to alienate
the people from each other and spread rumors regarding the makeup of
those who are protesting. Just as they are calling Muslims extremists
and terrorists, they are now trying to label the Blue party, to separate
them from others, by accusing them of being funded by foreigners like
Egypt. The fact that Christians and Muslims are rallying together for
freedom and justice for all Ethiopians is a real threat to their
existence. These kinds of tactics by the government are a sign
that the status quo cannot continue and will be challenged in increasing
unity among Ethiopians. The donor countries, including the US, should align with the people.This
means supporting the people who are working from within and those who
are trying to resolve the problem peacefully, without violence.
The proper sequence of reforms is critical to the success of the outcome.
1. Intellectual
reform must come first, which means the people must have access to
information and have the freedom to express it—the first freedom to be
attacked by dictatorships and the first that needs to be restored to
bring about change.
2. The
second must be political reform; opening up political space so the
choice of the people is reinstated. Then they are free to choose
political leaders and groups who represent their interests and the
interests of the country.
3. The
third is constitutional reform which must rewrite, redefine or
reinstate the most inclusive and beneficial relationship between the
people and the state in the form of this “constitutional contract”; a
contract which upholds the rights of the people and protects the people
from the state, similar to African models where it is assumed anyone can
become tyrannical so checks and balances must be established to control
the power of the government, ensuring participatory democracy.
4. The
fourth is institutional reform; meaning reforms of the judiciary, the
parliament, the military, civil services, and other institutions where
regime cronies are now in control. Institutions must be independent of
the state or party for change to be accomplished and made sustainable.
5. Lastly,
economic reforms are necessary but will not be inclusive until the
other reforms are implemented, making the system more transparent,
accountable, and just; unlike in places like Russia, Ivory Coast,
Indonesia, Yugoslavia, Cameroon, Rwanda and the Philippines where
economic advances were made; yet, regime cronies still controlled the
institutions, the political system and the justice system, staging the
conditions for a reversal of power and the re-emergence of repression
and cronyism.
Poverty
and corruption in Ethiopia will also increase the pressure for
explosion. Recently, Kofi Annan spoke about the cost of corruption to
the African people. Ethiopia is a primary example. Although many quote
statistics of economic growth in Ethiopia, most of it is in the hands
of a few. Prior to the release of the report by the Global Financial
Task Force in their report titled: Illicit Financial Outflows from Developing Countries Over the Decade Ending in 2009, they stated on December 5, 2011 the following in regards to Ethiopia:
“The
people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to
fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be
swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.”[v]
Their report reveals that Ethiopia
lost US11.7 billion in illegal capital flight from 2000-2009 and
illicit financial outflows from Ethiopia nearly doubled in 2009 to
US$3.26 billion—double the amount in the two preceding years—with the
vast majority of that increase coming from corruption, kickbacks and
bribery. When it comes to transparency, it does not exist in Ethiopia.
Here is
another example. Human Rights Watch found evidence that World Bank
money, which was to be used for services, was instead used by the
government to displace the people from their land, later given to
foreign and crony investors. Five villages in the Gambella region, hard
hit with land grabs, accompanied by human rights violations, made an
appeal to the World Bank regarding the improper use of its funds. An
independent inspection panel investigated the grounds for the appeal
for the World Bank. After meeting with the local people who had been
displaced to refugee camps in Kenya and South Sudan, they recommended a
full investigation after finding substantial evidence of the misuse of
World Bank funds. Now the Ethiopian government has refused to cooperate.
All donors to the World Bank should look into this because this is your
money. If they have nothing to hide, why would they not allow an
investigation?
People on
the ground in Ethiopia live in fear of this regime, but many are coming
to the point that they can no longer endure life without change and are
willing to take a stand. Prior to the Blue party’s recent rally, a
26-year-old recent graduate sent me his thoughts. He said:
Obang,
it is now just four hours before we go out to rally. We don’t know
what will happen but this may be my last message because the last time I
went out I went with three of my friends and I was the only one who
came back. That was seven years ago after the 2005 election. I may be
the one not come back this time but I am not afraid. I am looking at it
like going into a war zone, but the only difference is the other side
has a gun and we have nothing. If they shoot, I have nothing to
deliver. This is the kind of country we live in. But, we have the moral
high ground and this is what is making me go out. I want someone to
know.
Ethiopia
is a country which relies on the US as its number one supporter and
here is one of their brave, but peace-loving heroes, going out not
knowing what will happen to him and those with him. Most of you have met
Ethiopians here in Washington D.C. as thousands of Ethiopians live and
work in this city. They pay taxes to the same government that for too
long has overlooked the serial violations of human rights and the
emergence of a full-blown dictatorship.
Ethiopians
have struggled under dictatorship for 40 years. With the death of Meles
and the appointment of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn until the
next election in 2015, Ethiopians may have been given the most
opportune moment in 21 years for change; however, if Ethiopians—or donor
countries genuinely wanting to see democratic reforms—step back,
waiting to see what will happen under this new arrangement of power,
rather than actively creating a process of change that is owned and
managed by the people of Ethiopia, this opportunity will most likely be
hijacked and the “system” of repression will continue with the same or
new “strongmen” at the helm. The only acceptable outcome for the
Ethiopian people is nothing short of the transformation of Ethiopia to a
new society and a New Ethiopia wherehumanity comes before ethnicity or any other distinctions for no one is free until all are free!
This is a
time when the U.S. should use their influence to put pressure on the
Ethiopian government for reforms rather than waiting for simmering
tensions to explode. Support for a people-driven process is the best
alternative to bring lasting change to Ethiopia, more sustainable peace
to the Horn and a better ongoing partnership with the US.
Thank you!
Barack Obama was careful not to make direct distance from the deposition of Morsi.Photo: Evan Vucci / AP
